LODE-zone Java

JAVA

A Cargo of Questions 1992

Indonesia

GLODOK





At the beginning of the 17C both Dutch and English merchants had trading posts in Jayakarta. It became a centre of rivalry between these imperial powers, which was further confused by intrigue between local rulers. Late in 1618 the British, backed by the Bantenese and the Jayakartens, besieged the Dutch VOC (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) fortress. The VOC personnel, holding out in their fortified post, decided to rename the place Batavia after an ancient Germanic tribe of the Netherlands. In 1619 the Dutch, under Jan Pieterzoon Coen, stormed Jayakarta and reduced it to ashes. A stronger shoreline fortress was built and Batavia eventually became the capital of the Dutch East Indies. Chinese merchants were attracted by these new commercial prospects. Following a general massacre of Chinese in October 1740, all Chinese were prohibited from residing within the town walls, or even being there after sundown. In 1741 a tract of land just to the south west of Batavia was allocated as Chinese quarters. The area became Glodok. J. P. Coen's plan was to make Batavia the centre of Asian trade, especially the spice trade, where a monopolistic control over clove and nutmeg production brought huge rewards. Excess clove and nutmeg plantations were destroyed to keep European prices and profits high, but ruining the lives of local producers. Batavia became Jakarta when the Japanese occupied Java in 1942.

Why does a newly independent state reproduce the administrative waste of an exploitative colonial power?
Are the aims and methods of the state the same?
Is the European legacy of colonial administration, so ingrained, so internalised?
Is independence cursed by the ways of the past, or does this state of things suit present interests in and outside the nation?


Information Wrap

Minister of Trade Arifin M. Siregar, accompanied by Minister of Industry Hartarto and BCN (National Clove Board) chief Kumhal Djamil said the government had yet to decide whether or not it would maintain the role of the Clove Marketing and Stock Managing Agency (BPPC) in the country's clove marketing and procurement system. The trade minister defended the BPPC and said that the agency had succeeded in performing its function as a buffer stock manager. "Since the agency's operation, clove prices have not declined to below Rp 2,000 a kilogram, a price level recorded before the introduction of regulations on clove trading. BPPC, however, faced problems in managing its stocks and controlling prices because the production exceeded its target while, at the same time, the demand was very low. BPPC's chairman, Hutomo Mandela Putra, suggested recently that half of this years clove harvest be burned as his agency would not have enough funds to purchase all of it. The controversial suggestion, however, drew strong comments from the public.
THE JAKARTA POST, March 11, 1992.

ABRI not to blame for tragedy in East Timor. Minister of Defence and Security L. B. Moerdani says the armed forces (ABRI) was not involved in the development of East Timor in the run up to the Nov 12 tragedy in Dili. 
"The tragedy was not caused by ABRI, my brothers, but after things got out of hand it was ABRI, again, which was asked to settle the matter. "
THE JAKARTA POST, March 11, 1992


MARIBAYA






Maribaya lies in the shadow of the volcano Tangkuban Perahu. This is the land of the Sundanese of West Java, extroverted, easy going people who, nevertheless, guard and protect their ancient culture.
In 1755 the Dutch split the Mataran kingdom in two. These new states and the five smaller states of Java were only nominally sovereign, dominated as they were by the Dutch East India Co. Thus Java was united by a foreign trading company with an army that totalled 1000 Europeans and 2000 Asians. In 1800 the VOC was wound up after revelations of corruption, bankruptcy and mismanagement. Its territorial possessions passed into the hands of the Netherlands government. In 1830, after five years of protracted warfare to subdue a guerrilla style rebellion, at least 200,000 Javanese had lost their lives from famine and disease. The exploitation of Indonesia's resources by the Dutch began in earnest after the loss of Belgium when the home country would have faced bankruptcy without quick returns from the Indies.
In 1975 Indonesia invaded East Timor, a Portuguese colony, forcibly absorbing this untidy territorial anomaly into the vast expanse of the Indonesian archipelago.

Why was this military inspired expansionist adventure condoned?
An echo of dying colonialism, or a proxy colonisation?
The annexation of a people for the natural resources of their land?
And for whose benefit?


Information Wrap

Tight security marks the opening of Nov. 12 incident trial. The defendant, 41 year-old Francisco Miranda Branco was charged with organising a demonstration against the government of Indonesia on Nov. 12. The protest march disintegrated into a riot, leaving around 50 people dead after the protesters clashed with security troops. Presiding judge Pandapotan Sinaga barred three lawyers from the Jakarta-based Legal Aid Institute (LHB) from acting for the defense on the grounds that they had not yet obtained a permit to defend a court case from the regional higher court in Kupang. Timor Prosecutor Ketut Swara told the court that Branco had been involved in several offences against the government prior to the Nov. 12 incident, including having contact with the leader of the local separatist movement, Xanana Gusmau. Such offences, under Indonesian law, are categorized as subversion which carries a maximum penalty of death. "The defendant is a supporter of a clandestine organization led by Xanana and is responsible for organizing the demonstration on Nov. 12 at the Santa Cruz cemetery," Swara said. He said the protest march which involved more than 1,000 East Timorese people, was intentionally staged to oppose the integration of East Timor into Indonesia since it coincided with a visit by officials of the United Nations Rights Commission to East Timor's capital of Dili.
THE JAKARTA POST, March 13, 1992. 


Also


"The massacre as of yet undetermined number of unarmed civilians in Dili on 12 November 1991 was only the latest in a series of massacres by members of ABRI against the East Timorese since 1975. November 12 was not an aberration as suggested by Australian Foreign Minister Gareth Evans. Rather, it followed a pattern in the behaviour of Indonesian troops in East Timor. The only difference was that foreign eye-witnesses and video cameras were present. I have no doubt that on 15 November 80 more people were killed; on 17 November another 10 were executed and on 18 November seven more, including a one year old baby, a five year old infant and five women were gunned down. But cameras were not there and hence those massacres became non-events as was the case when a sister of mine, 17 years old, and two brothers, 16 and 21, were killed in the late 70's. the facts are that innocent people, including women and children, were killed. Should it matter that 'only' 50 were killed and not more than 100, as most observers believe? The 'demotion' of the two commanding officers responsible for the day-to-day military operations in East Timor was no more than a publicity gimmick to deflect the growing international pressure on Indonesia in the aftermath of the massacre. The fact is that as of this writing not one single Indonesian officer has been brought to trial. brigadier General Warouw has been given a new job in Jakarta."

Jose Ramos-Horta


PANGANDARAN








Fertile rice growing fields, coconut plantations and fishing, tourism and beacjes, and, at full moon, a unique simultaneous sunset and moonrise over the Indian Ocean.
The period of Japanese occupation contributed to the development of the nationalist movement in two ways, as yet another presence of a foreign imperial power, and as the sponsor of mass organisations based on Islam and anti-western feeling. In mid-1945, theJapanese set up a committee called the 'Investigating Committee for the Preparation of Indonesian Independence', that outlined the geographical limits of a future independent Indonesian State. it also allowed Sukarno to develop the philosophical basis of government and social structure of a sovereign state, whose boundaries would include many peoples of immense diversity. Pancasila, or the five universal principles, continue to be used today. Faith in God (any God, although the majority adhere to Islam), Humanity, Nationalism, Representative Government and Social Justice. Pancasila was conceived as a synthesis of western democratic ideas, Islam, Marxism, and indigenous village customs and traditions of government. Indonesia's national motto is Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, an old Javanese phrase meaning 'they are many, they are one', or 'Unity in Diversity'. So, in 1949, the peoples of an archipelago 5000 km wide, including 6000 inhabited islands became Indonesians.

Universal principles, or a system of social control?
A universal state, or the maintenance of existing power?
A universalism that eradicates opposition?
Dissent as destructive of social and political harmony, or resistence to a state dominated by a military and industrial establishment?
Dissenters or terrorists?
What happens to meanings when words are lies?
Diversity in religion, conformity in political education?


Information Wrap

The Indonesian government will continue to promote harmony between the various religious groups in the country as guaranteed by the state ideology Pancasila, President Soeharto told the new Vatican envoy here yesterday. "We believe that Pancasila will guarantee the integrity of our multi-ethnic nation and guarantee harmony among religious communities under the conditions of mutual respect and understanding. With Pancasila as the state ideology, we hope the religious life in our country can develop in such a way that it will strengthen further our ethical, moral and spiritual foundations." The Pancasila concept was extensively discussed between Soeharto and Pope John Paul II when the latter visited Indonesia in October 1989. ThePope, whose visit included a brief stopover in a predominantly Roman Catholic East Timor where he gave a mass, praised Pancasila as a valuable concept for promoting religious harmony. Monsignor sambi praised the Indonesian national philosophy as an expression of "the very modern sensibility of humanity in search for solid values of existence, for the respect of human lives and dignity of every human being and for social justice and democracy. Indonesia presents itself as a model in the world," he said.
THE JAKARTA POST, March 17, 1992.

Terrorism on the rise in Dili. A group of youths believed to be supporters of the Fretilin movement have reportedly resorted to terrrorism here following disappointment over the aborted mission of the Lusitania Expresso ferry last Wednesday. Some unidentified young people pounded on the door of Filomeno de Jesus Hornay, chairman of the student council of the Timor Timur University, after throwing stones at his house.
THE JAKARTA POST, March 17, 1992.


State assets are still not properly managed: Bepeka chief M. Yusef, chairman of the Supreme Auditing Agency (Bepeka) disclosed here yesterday that there were still lots of irregularities in the management of state assets. "A great deal remains to be done to straighten out the management of assets to put everything in line with the law."
THE JAKARTA POST, March 17, 1992.